Introduction
My intention in this work is to discuss the presence of trans deities in the mythology and religion of different peoples, trying to highlight the fact that, before contact with Western culture, transvestites and/or transsexual women were socially inserted and played different roles. , including as religious leaders.
I also problematize the relationship between some religious discourses and how they contribute to the dissemination and maintenance of prejudice that affects trans people in contemporary society.
To carry out this debate, I resort to the concept of Intersectionality developed by the American jurist Kimberlé Crenshaw, in 1989 (Mara Viveros VIGOYA, 2016), as it allows articulating issues of gender, gender identity and race simultaneously, as one of my objectives in this study and questioning normative whiteness as a constitutive element of transvestite and transgender women's identities.
The intersectional concept, combined with the partial perspective of Donna Haraway (1995), the cultural perspective, the post-structuralist perspective, with the studies of ethnic-racial relations, with gender studies and with the reflections proposed by the American professor Peter Jones, in the work O Deus do Sex (2007), it allows highlighting the trajectory of transvestites and transsexual women in various periods of traditional history. In order to identify these existences, in the case of this article, in the field of the sacred, it is necessary to adopt a genealogical posture in order to locate the subjects that I intend to enunciate.
1 - Genealogy and Partial Perspective
Genealogy, explain Inês Dussel and Marcelo Caruso (2003), differs from traditional history because it is defined as a critical and interested perspective.
What is more
genealogy starts from a current problem or concept and draws up a map, not of the ancestors, but of the struggles and conflicts that shaped a problem as we know it today.
The study materials are not revised to learn more, but to understand how the conditions that configure the present were created (DUSSEL; CARUSO, 2003).
By questioning the silence regarding the presence of transvestites and/or transsexual women in traditional history using genealogy, I assume a perspective view and allow myself to make a critical analysis about it.
Donna Haraway (1995) defines history as a technology of the gaze. A polished look at the perfection of capitalism, colonialism and male supremacy. Knowledge located from subjects who matter and, therefore, deserve to be remembered. “ This gaze signifies the unmarked positions of Man and White”. (HARAWAY, 1995, p. 12).
In the specific case of transvestites and/or transsexual women, a much greater effort is needed in re-reading the historical periods analyzed to locate their presence.
Not that they are not visible to the naked eye, however, the normalizing and normalizing gaze, as reported by Háraway (1995), tends to ignore their presence. That is, the "eyes" available in modern technological sciences do away with any idea of vision as passive; these prosthetic devices show us that all eyes are active perception systems, building translations and specific ways of seeing, that is, ways of life. There is no unmediated photography, or passive camera obscura, in scientific explanations of bodies and machines: there are only highly specific visual possibilities, each with a wonderfully detailed, active and partial way of organizing worlds (HARAWAY, 1995)
There are other ways of seeing, including “from the periphery and the abysses” (HARAWAY, 1995, p. 22).
Continuing, Haraway (1995) explains that having a bottom view is not something that is easily learned; even if "we" "naturally" inhabit the great subterranean terrain of subjugated knowledges.
Thus, according to her, the positions of the subjugated are not "innocent" positions. On the contrary, they are preferred because, in principle, they are the least likely to allow denial of the critical and interpretive core of all knowledge. They have extensive experience with modes of denial through repression, forgetting and disappearing acts - with ways of being nowhere while claiming to see everything. The subjugated have a decent chance of recognizing God's trick and all of his brilliant - and therefore blinding - illumination. (HARAWAY, 1995, p. 23).
What Donna Haraway (1995) is saying is that we need to look in a specific way to find what we are looking for and “inquire about the absence of links with knowledge left on the sidelines by a discursive invention about 'center' and 'periphery'”. (Claudia MIRANDA, 2018, pp19).
Revolving the confines of history to find the presence of transvestites and/or transsexual women in the field of the sacred requires an approximation with the politics and epistemology of partial perspectives as it enables an objective, firm and rational critical evaluation. (HARAWAY, 1995, p. 24).
The partial perspective, allied to the theories mentioned above, requires denouncing that the silence surrounding the existence of transvestites and transsexual women is explained by transphobia and racism, among other markers that add up and operate within the logic of the Device of Power discussed by Michel Foucaul (1975), who seeks to attribute some utility to bodies and integrate them into economic systems.
Both transphobia and racism make up a multitude of discourses - legal, religious, educational, psychological - with the intention of highlighting which "subjects and practices are good or bad, integrated or disintegrated, productive or harmful to the society as a whole”. (Guacira Lopes LOURO, 2009, p. 86). In this way, the forms of operation of transphobia and racism, as power devices, seek to attribute some utility to the body and allow meticulous control of its actions and ensure the constant subjection of its forces and impose a relationship of docility-utility. (FOUCAULT, 1975, p.129).
Thus, this work is justified by the need to debate the presence of transvestites and/or transsexual women, who have been systematically ignored in various areas of knowledge, especially in the field of the sacred. Placing transvestites and/or transsexual women in evidence is a way of breaking with normalizing and normalizing postures that reaffirm both whiteness and heterosexual cisgenderness, and ignore other possibilities of existence.
2. Multiple bodies! Multiple genres!
Gender binarism, which reinforces cis heterosexuality as norms of humanity present in contemporary societies, emerges from Western culture in the 19th century, linked to the concept of nuclear family observed in Europe and the USA. The categories woman and man, feminine and masculine are also linked to this concept of family, as well as the social roles that each person plays. (Oyèrónké OYĚWÙMÍ, 2004).
The Nigerian researcher Oyěwùmí (2004) draws attention to the existence of other family models and to other ways of relating to gender, since “gender differences are neither rigid nor static”. (OYĚWÙMÍ, 2010, p. 31). For her, the categories woman and man, female and male, are not always linked to biological sex, as well as social roles.
Peter Jones, professor of New Testament at Westminster Theological Seminary in Escondido, California, denounces that biology, in many situations, does not necessarily define gender either. In his book The God of sex: how spirituality defines your sexuality (The God of sex: how spirituality defines your sexuality), published in 2006, he defends the theory that sexuality is a spiritual matter and that the decisions made respect are related to religious practices.
In this sense, religion would be decisive in establishing the sexual moral codes of each society, as well as social roles. Jones (2006) explains that the naturalization of some sexual practices and the harmonious coexistence between cisgender people, transvestites and transsexuals would be associated, to a greater or lesser extent, with religious practices.
Although he criticizes sexual freedom and gender diversity, stating, in a reproachful tone, that “contemporary society celebrates the figure of the androgynous individual, that is, male and female at the same time” (Valdeci da Silva SANTOS, 2006, p. 159), Jones (2006) provides valuable information about the presence of transvestites and/or transsexual women in the field of the sacred, in different societies, in different periods.
In contemporary society, this presence would be a way of preserving the organic connection between pagan spirituality and sexuality present in ancient religions and that sexual freedom and gender diversity² would be linked to polytheism and the belief in the existence of several gods.
The author uses terms such as hermaphrodite, androgynous and polygender, revealing a certain prejudice in relation to the gender identities of people who escape cisgender norms, as well as a lack of harmony with gender studies and with the debates that emerge from LGBT social movements. . I take the liberty, then, to update these concepts and replace them, when possible, with the words transvestite, transsexual woman and/or trans person/s.
3. Trans shamans and priestesses
FIGURE 2 – BERDACHES, NAVAJO ETHNICITY, USA.
In an attempt to establish religious hierarchies, to even justify his own belief, Peter Jones (2006) contributed positively to giving visibility to the religious diversity practiced in various regions of the planet. In her ethnographic work, she listed a series of deities that present bodily characteristics along the same lines as contemporary transvestites and/or transsexual women, with breasts and penises, and who are also named and addressed in the female gender. He also cataloged rituals where religious leaders, biologically male, adopt gestures and clothing considered to be typical of the female universe.
In Siberia, shamans known as Chukchi and Central Asian shamans engage in ecstatic rituals and dress as androgynous. (JONES, 2006).
Among the Ngadju Dyak , for example, a population that lives in the dense jungles of southern Borneo³ , Jones (2007) reports the presence of sexless Basir priestesses-shamans (emphasis mine), who dress and behave like women.
Jones (2007) also discusses the current situation of the Hijras , a religious community made up of people originally male but who dress and act like women and whose culture is centered on the worship of Bahuchara Mata , one of many versions of the Mother Goddess, worshiped across India.
Known approximately 5 thousand years ago, before contact with European culture, the Hijras were considered sacred and enjoyed a certain tranquility to express their identity publicly. Their identity, explains Ana Lúcia Fonseca Santos (2012), has a mythical foundation and it is believed that they have powers of blessing and curse, therefore, they are respected and/or feared by the population.
However, the imposition of a Western culture that celebrates gender binarism, has forced them to fight for spaces they already occupied in Indian society and, since the 1950s, they have had the support of government institutions to have minimal access to certain rights. In 2014 they were recognized as a particular genre by the government.
Still in India, Ardhanarishvara , fusion of Shiva and his companion Parvati, represents the union between the two genders and symbolizes, for the Hindus, the beginning of everything.
In Tibet, the cult of Avalokiteshvara, a deity characterized by gender fluidity, being represented both in male form, with mustaches and weapons, and in the form of a beautiful woman, wearing a dress, resists. Professor, doctor and theologian Patrick Cheng claims that the cult of Kuan Yin , the Chinese and feminine aspect of Avalokiteshvara , has been preserved by LGBT people over centuries in Asia, treated as a mirror that reflects gender fluidity and sexual orientation.
On the American continent, unfortunately, most of the religions practiced before contact with the West were exterminated. Considered pagan, they needed to be eliminated and replaced by Christianity, the only possibility of faith according to the invaders.
In addition to eliminating religious diversity, it was mainly eliminating sexual freedom and gender diversity, expressed in rituals commanded by shamans, who challenged the norms of compulsory cisgenderism present in the cultures “ Aztec , Chimu , Lacke , Lubaca , Manta , Maia , Mbaya , Moche and Tupinambá ”. (JONES, 2007).
In the United States of America, in the Navajo ethnic group , the Berdaches , also called Two Spirits , managed to preserve an important part of their ancestral traditions.
Originally, they performed special tasks. As they saw the world through the eyes of both men and women, they could predict the future, which is why they were considered the most suitable for shamanic activities and responsible for taking care of children and passing on teachings and myths to them. (JONES, 2007).
As religious leaders, the Berdaches would have the role of mediators “not only between women and men, but also between the physical and the spiritual”. (Walter L. WILLAMS, 2012, np).
In Mexico, the Muxes , “inhabitants of several small towns on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec , of Zapotec or other ethnic origins” (Viviane Bagiotto BOTTON, 2017, p.22), considered as a particular genre, like the Berdaches , managed to resist the imposition of the culture of the European invader.
The Muxes inherit the moral authority of their dead mother or grandmother and become a uniting and unifying element in the family.
To claim Muxe identity , Botton (2017) explains that “it is necessary to have had a penis at birth and at some point in your life to have publicly assumed at least one of the roles attributed to women”. (BOTTON, 2017, p. 23). Quite respected, the Muxes play important social roles, even as witches and healers (Marinella MIANO; Águeda GÓMEZ, 2010).
4. Multiple genders in African traditional religiosity! ⁴
In Yoruba society of southwestern Nigeria, centers of power within the family are diffuse and not gender-specified. In this case, it is age that defines the roles to be played. (OYĚWÙMÍ, 2004).
In her reflections on gender in Africa, Oyěwùmí (2004) uses the work of other African thinkers, such as the social anthropologist Ifi Amadiume (1987) and the writer Sekai Nzenza-Shand (1997).
Amadiume (1987) writes about male daughters, female husbands and the institution of marriage between women in Igbo society , agreeing that gender is not linked to biological sex.
Sekai Nzenza-Shand (1997), when writing his memoirs, remembers that his mother was treated in her native village as an honorary man, which did not prevent her from starting a family with a cisgender man.
In addition to these examples, other African societies developed intermediate genders of men-women and women-men, who were seen as sacred and as spiritually powerful people (JONES, 2007).
The respect devoted to these people and the prominent place that many occupied was related to religious practices and foundational myths that sought to explain the origin of the world.
Unlike Christian paradigms, in traditional African religions there is no sin, no notions of guilt, paradise and hell and “the deities are divided into male, female or androgynous”. (Eduardo OLIVEIRA, 2003).
The Dogon cosmogony , for example, moves away from Western heteronormative cis patterns and its major deity, Amma, would have created the world and people from the androgynous twins Ogo and Nommo .
Like the Dogons , in the myth that explains the creation of the world among the Bambara , the presence of an androgynous figure plays a central role: Ngala , the creator, relates to another androgynous deity, Faro, who makes the fruits grow from the earth.
The Supreme Nagô deity , Obatalá , creator of humanity and bringer of peace, does not have a fixed gender identity. Sometimes he is described as a male figure, other times as an androgynous and/or hermaphrodite figure, the result of the fusion with Odudua , a female deity (Pierre VERGER, 1999; Raymundo Nina RODRIGUES, 2010).
The physical characteristics attributed to Obatalá-Odudua would be, according to Raymundo Nina Rodrigues (2010, p. 246), linked to the androgynous conceptions of society in which the Nagôs found themselves at that time, “at least those who came to Brazil”. (RODRIGUES, 2010, p. 246). It is the period of Odudua-Obatalá hermaphroditism (RODRIGUES, 2010), part of an extensive list of African androgynous deities, which include Mawu-Lisa and Nana Buluku in the kingdom of Dahomey , Mwari in the Shona ethnic group , Aku and Awo in the kingdom of AKan and Hapi , goddess of the Nile River, in ancient Egypt.
FIGURE 3 – HAPI, TRANS DEITY OF THE NILE RIVER
The concepts of androgynous and hermaphrodite, used to describe African deities, inform that there were different ways of relating to the sacred, different from the Christian logic based on the binary man/woman, male/female, that is, on the fixity of genders.
My argument, as previously explained, is that both the androgynous concept and the hermaphrodite dialogue with the transvestite and transsexual categories currently used. The definition for both concepts seeks to describe people who had bodily characteristics in which attributes culturally defined as masculine and feminine were integrated.
I argue, then, that the concepts of androgyne/and hermaphrodite, used to describe African deities, challenged the normativity of cisgenderism and, consequently, “the traditional existing polarities between masculinity and femininity, as well as the essentialist perspective that 'biologists' gender, privileging two distinct genders, consistent with the biological sex and stable” (SANTOS, 2013, p. 95).
5. Art, religiosity and trans bodies in Africa
Many bodies, constructed along the lines of current transvestitism and female transsexuality, were materialized by traditional African art.
Part of this representation was directly linked to religious practices and sought to portray deities that emerged from narratives that explained the origin of the world.
The Dogons , for example, believed that a body with characteristics of both sexes and genders was the perfect body.
FIGURE 4 – HERMAPHRODITE FIGURE WITH ARMS RAISED, DJENNENKÉ STYLE, SEC. X, QUAI BRANLY MUSEUM, PARIS.
The way they saw the world was reflected in their artistic production.
A well-known example is the Hermaphrodite Figure of the Master of Yayé , currently on display at the Louvre Museum, taken to France in 1935 by researchers Denise Paulme and Debora Lifchitz (Jair GUILHERME FILHO, 2014).
This sculpture, made of wood, portrays a naked figure with a penis and breasts on display, in accordance with the standards of perfection proposed by the Dogon ethnic group .
There are several styles of Dogon sculpture that depict trans bodies. Among them, the Niongom , Tellem and Djennenké styles stand out .
One of these works, in the Tellem style , is on display at the Metropolitan Museum in New York and portrays a large trans figure “with her cap, her square necklace, her bracelets and armbands, her belt accentuating her sexual nudity, her two arms raised as if it were a Tellem” (Alberto da Costa and SILVA, 2006, p. 651).
Hélene Leulop (2010) explains that, in order to understand these statues, one must clarify the concept of Dogon perfection, resulting from the reunion of what was separated and, the transgression of gender binarism, is the path that leads to perfection.
The masks used in the N'domo initiation ceremonies , by the Bambaras of Mali , can be masculine, feminine and trans.
In this case, gender is indicated by the number of horns: masks with seven horns represent gender fluidity. Uninitiated children, who still do not have a specific gender or who transit through both, relate to mythical ancestors, who are often represented by trans figures or by a pair consisting of a male and a female figure.
It is necessary to point out that traditional African masks are not decorative pieces, but sacred objects that were handled only by authorized persons.
Religious practices, as Jones (2006) explains, are reflected in the social organization of a people. Thus, the plurality of genres present in religions and in traditional African art are invariably identified among people.
The Brazilian anthropologist Luiz Mott (2005) informs that, from the 15th century onwards, the Europeans who “arrived in Africa found, in different regions, many natives who were lovers of the same sex, either practicing homosexuality [...] or practicing transvestism , in which men assume the role of the female gender” (MOTT, 2005, p. 18).
Although Mott (2005) does not discuss transvestitism and transsexuality, dedicating himself to discussing male homosexuality, based on what Donna Haraway (1995) proposes, I cast a more attentive, more accurate look at her work and, thus, manage to locate the subjects I am looking for. .
The Capuchin friar Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi de Montecuccolo (1621-1678), who lived 17 years in Africa – Congo and Angola -, was scandalized by a Quimbanda priest (MOTT, 2005) for presenting a corporal and social construction along the lines considered feminine.
This man, completely unlike the priests of the true God, is morally filthy, disgusting, impudent, impudent, bestial, and such that among the residents of the Pentapolis he would have the first place. As a sign of the role to which he is obliged by his ministry, he wears a suit and uses the manners and bearing of a woman, also calling himself the “great mother”. (Luiz Mott, 2005, p. 15).
The same scandal is present in the narratives of the Portuguese captain Antônio de Oliveira Cadornega, who lived in Africa for 40 years. According to his observations, "among the Gentiles of Angola there was much sodomy, bearing with one another their filth and filth, dressing like women." (MOTT, 2005, p. 17).
The speeches of Montecuccolo and Cadornega reveal the antagonisms between African and European societies.
Europe, strongly influenced by Christianity, adopted prejudiced postures and persecuted, excluded and condemned to death transvestites and/or transsexual women, black or white. Africa, on the contrary, not only included them, but allowed them to occupy positions of power, including as priestesses, given that many of its deities were trans.
6. Some considerations
Part of the silence that contributes to travestis and/or transsexual women being forgotten by traditional history is related to both transphobia and racism, constitutive power devices of normalizing and normative societies, which privilege heterosexual cisgenderism and whiteness. When they are identified, their gender identities are not respected and, as a rule, they are described and treated as male homosexuals.
With regard to debates in the field of the sacred, this silence is even greater.
In western, monocultural societies, strongly influenced by Christianity, such as Brazil, when they gain visibility, they are associated with religious practices considered pagan and with sin.
According to the reflections of Peter Jones (2006), the distinctive gender identities of cisgenderism, such as transvestite and/or transsexual, called polygender by him, would be the result of polytheism: behind the various sexual ⁵ choices there would be a belief in the existence of several gods (SANTOS, 2006).
Still, according to Jones (2006), polygender people would be the agents of the eroticization of society and would reject the biblical concepts of marital union, fidelity and moral purity and, for this very reason, would be subject to spiritual condemnation.
By bringing these discursive fragments about the presence of transvestites and transsexual women in the field of the sacred, I propose a shift in the way of discussing this topic beyond Christianity, even considering the possibility of approaching it in various areas of knowledge.
I also believe that debates like this one can contribute so that prejudiced views, both regarding transvestites and/or transsexual women, and regarding religious diversity, are reviewed, evaluated and combated, so that we can build a heterogeneous society, where the practice of respect is in fact a reality.
( • )
¹ Black transvestite, PhD in Education from the Federal University of Paraná, professor of Organization of Pedagogical Work at the Federal University of Paraná, researches ethnic-racial relations, African and Afro-Brazilian art, gender and sexual diversity, works in the social movement of black women and blacks and the LGBT movement.
² Peter Jones uses the term polygender.
³ Borneo is a large island located in Asia, in the Greater Sunda Islands region. The island is divided into three parts. Most belong to Indonesia. The second largest belongs to Malaysia and the smallest part belongs to Brunei.
⁴ Subtitles 4 and 5 were taken from the following publication: OLIVEIRA, Megg Rayara Gomes de. Black transexistences: the place of black transvestites and transsexuals in Brazil and Africa until the 19th century. In: RIBEIRO, Paula Regina Costa...[et al]. Rio Grande: Ed. From FURG, 2018. ISBN: 978-85-7566-546-6.
⁵ Peter Jones explains in his debate that sexual orientation would be a choice, as well as gender identity and would be related to religious practices.
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1 comment
Esplêndido!